30 Kasım 2012 Cuma

'Standing up for Mr. Nesbitt,' tracking the cell-phone trackers, and other digital forensics stories

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Electronic privacy continues to gain more attention in the wake of the Petraeus scandal and other recent revelations about the scope of law enforcement snooping around people's electronic communications. Here are a few more recent tidbits that caught Grits' eye:

For starters, check out New York Times (Nov. 26): No accord on cell-phone search: Courts haven't figured out how and when authorities can gain access, in which we learn that a US Senate committee will meet on Thursday to consider "changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data."

Perhaps even more critical, and maybe even more disturbing, "A proposed amendment would require police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old." Until the aftermath of the Petraus scandal, I didn't know older emails had no privacy protections - my own Inbox certainly goes back farther than that, and in some cases I've archived emails from many years ago. It never occurred to me that law enforcement could look at those without a warrant.

The Houston Chronicle has a related, notable story today titled, "Email not in the Fourth Amendment: Outdated law enforcement regulations let law enforcement spy via Internet companies and social networks." That story gives this additional tidbit about the contents of the legislation: "Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., who has proposed an amendment to the act, said the Senate Judiciary Committee will consider the changes Thursday. The crux of the amendment would require investigators to serve either a warrant to the service provider or a subpoena directly to the user when seeking personal digital information."

See a summary of the contents of Leahy's proposed amendment. Sen John Cornyn sits on the Judiciary Committee which will consider Chairman Leahy's proposal. Texas readers who support the measure should go here to email Sen. Cornyn to ask him to support the Leahy Amendment on cell-phone location data. Or even better, bone up on what the amendment does and contact Sen. Cornyn's office by phone at one of these locations. MORE: Orin Kerr at the Volokh Conspiracy calls the NYT article "somewhat confusing," while Scott at Simple Justice says mostly the article is confusing because the law is confusing.

* * *
Meanwhile, on a related topic, see an item from the Wall Street Journal published last month (Oct. 22) titled "Judge Questions Tools that Grab Cell Phone Data on Innocent People." That story opens,
A judge in Texas is raising questions about whether investigators are giving courts enough details on technological tools that let them get data on all the cellphones in an area, including those of innocent people.

In two cases, Magistrate Judge Brian Owsley rejected federal requests to allow the warrantless use of “stingrays” and “cell tower dumps,” two different tools that are used for cellphone tracking. The judge said the government should apply for warrants in the cases, but the attorneys had instead applied for lesser court orders.
changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIq7S5K
changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIq7S5Ka Senate committee considers limited changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIbK8NMa Senate committee considers limited changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIbK8NMHere's a copy of Judge Owsley's order. By contrast, the Sixth Circuit federal appellate court (whose opinions are not binding on Texas) ruled earlier this year that federal agents need not get a warrant to obtain cell phone tracking data from private cell phone providers. (See that opinion [pdf]). Attentive Grits readers may recall that the Fifth Circuit, whose jurisdiction covers Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi, has litigation pending before it focused on many of the same questions.
Image via ACLU.
After issuing the ruling that spawned the pending Fifth Circuit case on cell-phone location data, Houston Magistrate Judge Stephen Smith gave a speech on the issues surrounding the ruling, which has been posted on line here, titled, "Standing Up for Mr. Nesbitt." For those insufficiently geekish to catch the reference, "Mr. Nesbitt" refers to a classic Monty Python sketch to which the judge helpfully provides a link in a footnote, see here. (Go ahead and watch it; it's worth the 2.5 minutes of your life you'll never get back!) Today, says Judge Smith, its possible for private companies as proxies for the government "to figure out exactly where you are at any given time. And this is true even if, like the unfortunate Mr. Nesbitt, you don’t want to be seen, and refuse to stand up when asked."

I've linked to Judge Smith's comments before but thought I'd point out this particular observation he made that bears repeating as debates over online monitoring and GPS tracking come to a head:
If Mr. Nesbitt cannot afford to stand up himself, who does stand up for him, and all the other Nesbitts in the world? That is, who stands between ordinary citizens like us and an increasingly surveillance-happy state? Now, I am the first to admit that some Nesbitts are dangerous and deserve to be watched. If Mr. Nesbitt heads up a drug cartel, runs a mortgage fraud scam, or commits a series of ax- murders, he should surely be found and brought to justice. But what about all the other Nesbitts who are law abiding: the soccer moms, the Sunday school teachers, the law school professors, the newspaper reporters?

You may say that’s not a big concern, because the government would not bother to target them unless they were committing a crime. But you would probably be wrong to say that, at least if the government’s response to a 2008 FOIA suit is accurate. Asked to furnish docket information about all criminal cases brought against individuals who had been subject to warrant-less cell phone tracking since 2001, the Department of Justice identified a total of just 255 criminal prosecutions. This works out to about 38 cases a year. Given that the federal government obtains tens of thousands of these orders every year, this data suggests that the government spends more time chasing the innocent Nesbitts than the black sheep and ne’er-do-wells.
So the USDOJ could identify just 38 cases per year nationwide where prosecutions had been brought against individuals on whom the feds had gathered cell-phone location data. But by most accounts the number of law enforcement requests is enormous: 1.3 million in 2011 alone, representing millions in revenue for cell phone companies. Reported Fox News earlier this year:
At AT&T, a team of more than 100 workers handles the requests pouring in from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. More than 250,000 such requests came in last year — a more than two-fold increase over five years ago.
Sprint said it received about 500,000 subpoenas in 2011. Verizon and T-Mobile, two other major U.S. carriers, both reported annual increases in requests exceeding 12 percent. Cricket has seen a steady increase every year since 2007, and although the company once had a 10-person team handling inquiries, it has now outsourced that task to a company called Neustar.
Many of the requests cover a number of cellphone subscribers.
The costs have become so large that carriers have started charging law enforcement for the records they turn over. AT&T collected almost $8.3 million in 2011 in fees from police agencies, although the company said it believes that number falls far short of what it costs AT&T to accommodate the requests.
Police requesting data from U.S. Cellular are asked to pay $25 to locate a cellphone using GPS (the first three requests are free), $25 to retrieve a user's text messages and $50 for a "cell tower dump" — a breakdown of all the cellphones that interacted with a given cellphone tower at a specific time.


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/us/2012/07/09/surveillance-requests-to-cellphone-carriers-surge/#ixzz2DLcIS1vb
At AT&T, a team of more than 100 workers handles the requests pouring in from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. More than 250,000 such requests came in last year — a more than two-fold increase over five years ago.

Sprint said it received about 500,000 subpoenas in 2011. Verizon and T-Mobile, two other major U.S. carriers, both reported annual increases in requests exceeding 12 percent. Cricket has seen a steady increase every year since 2007, and although the company once had a 10-person team handling inquiries, it has now outsourced that task to a company called Neustar.

Many of the requests cover a number of cellphone subscribers.

The costs have become so large that carriers have started charging law enforcement for the records they turn over. AT&T collected almost $8.3 million in 2011 in fees from police agencies, although the company said it believes that number falls far short of what it costs AT&T to accommodate the requests.

Police requesting data from U.S. Cellular are asked to pay $25 to locate a cellphone using GPS (the first three requests are free), $25 to retrieve a user's text messages and $50 for a "cell tower dump" — a breakdown of all the cellphones that interacted with a given cellphone tower at a specific time.
If the average fees for handling such requests were $25 (just a guesstimate, based on the ranges cited in the Fox New story), then cell providers would have earned more than $32 million collectively in 2011 selling user location data to law enforcement, mostly in cases that will never be prosecuted, if Magistrate Judge Smith's data is accurate.

* * *
Finally, one practical aspect law enforcement gaining access to this mass of electronic data regarding suspects and non-suspects alike as part of routine criminal investigations: It requires more digital forensics expertise at police departments and crime labs which in many cases is understaffed and/or underdeveloped. KXAN-TV in Austin recently ran a story documenting investments in staffing and equipment that allowed DPS' digital forensics division to reduce its backlog by 2/3 in the past three years. However, expected growth in demand for digital forensics services - stemming from both the dizzying array of new products and the increasing ubiquity of their use - means the backlog will increase again without further legislative action, said KXAN. "DPS said it will work with state lawmakers in the upcoming legislative session to figure out how best to keep up with the growing demand."

Grits, of course, thinks a market-based, fee for service solution would be the best approach. The state is already facing competition for analysts in the labor market from private sector firms set up for employers to snoop on their employees, some of which already provide services to law enforcement with much faster turnarounds than DPS labs. In the near term, both the costs of quality analysts and the volume of digital forensics work law enforcement generates undoubtedly will stay on a steep upward curve thanks to technological change that's far surpassing the quaint, 20th century regulatory structures that in theory should constrain them. For the time being, as is so often the case, it may not be (mostly non-existent) civil liberties protections that most significantly constrain law enforcement from widespread privacy violations but limited resources, a lack of technical expertise at police agencies, and above all, budgetary constraints.

RELATED: New police tech tracks cell-phone location data without provider intermediary

Time to reverse Texas' recent open records trends

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Grits didn't get the chance to attend Monday's Senate hearing on open records issues, and indeed only two senators showed up to hear public testimony. But I thought it worthwhile to round up coverage of the event nonetheless:
  • Texas Tribune: Senate committee hears testimony on open records law
  • Austin Statesman: Senate panel considers tighter open records law
  • Austin Statesman: Make public record law more open
  • SA Express News: Lawmakers to review Texas Open Records Act
  • Fort Worth Star-Telegram: Openness in records law could be stronger
  • Houston Chronicle: Texas open records act needs update, advocates say
  • Texas Watchdog: Government contractors resist open records law with lawsuits
  • Beaumont Enterprise: Legislature should improve, not weaken Open Records law
Notably, a number of these articles claim Texas' open records law is one of the strongest in the country, and 20 years ago Grits would have agreed with that statement. Since then, however, access to records in the two areas about which the public most frequently requests information - government contractors and law enforcement - has been gutted by the Legislature, the courts, and a string of state Attorneys General who have consistently narrowed the act since Jim Mattox left office.

For about 20-25 years after the Sharpstown Bank scandal - the corruption episode which first spawned Texas' open records and open meetings acts - Texas did indeed have arguably the strongest open records law in the nation. Experts debated whether Texas or Florida had the stronger statute, but a legitimate case could be made for both. Today, no one could claim with a straight face that Texas' open records law holds a candle to Florida's, and there hasn't been an effective legislative champion for greater openness since around the time the Southwest Conference closed up shop.

With so few senators attending Monday's committee hearing, it's hard to judge legislative attitudes toward the issues raised there. (Regrettably, it sounds as though the Swiss-cheese-like law enforcement exception was barely discussed, if at all, though state Rep. Harold Dutton has filed a bill to reinstate the stronger, older standard for law enforcement disclosure.) Certainly, though, if the Legislature is going to take up open records questions next year, their goal should be to give the public more information, not to protect government and its agents from scrutiny.

Guard shortstaffing extends to Huntsville-area prison units

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Before now, state officials claimed understaffing problems at Texas prison units were limited to a handful of rural facilities located in areas where oil and gas production made it difficult to compete for low-waged workers. But a TV news report informs us that even Huntsville-area units are coming up short-staffed.

KBTX-TV reported yesterday that, "The Texas Department of Criminal Justice admits there's a statewide shortage of correctional officers. That fact is causing some local correctional officers to fear for their lives." While most of the focus on understaffing has centered on a handful of rural units, the story highlights shortages at units in the Huntsville area as well: "According to the latest records from the Texas Department of Criminal Justice, just the 13 prisons in the Huntsville area are more than 700 correctional officers short."

The story says, "The TDCJ says they will urge the state lawmakers to consider a pay raise for correctional officers in the next legislative session." However, save for $32 million requested to enhance the salaries of prison health care workers, pay hikes for correctional officers were not included in the 12 "exceptional items" submitted in the agency's Legislative Appropriations Request.

How big is the problem? Last month, a union official wrote to Gov. Rick Perry urging raises for correctional officers (see Grits' earlier discussion here and here), offering these data on statewide understaffing trends:
The Department of Criminal Justice currently is over 2,700 officers short, not including the 530 correctional officer positions that were eliminated by your budget cuts this last session. The prisons further have over 500 new recruits in training every month, in addition to over 1,000 employees on Family Medical Leave Status, Military Leave, extended sick leave, and leave without pay. This leaves Texas prisons with a shortage of over 4,730 officers not present at TDCJ prison facilities.
The Legislature last session behaved as though it were in collective denial on this question, cutting the budget for correctional staff, in-prison programming and prisoner health care without taking action to reduce the number of prisoners supervised. This outcome was both predictable and predicted; overstuffed, understaffed prisons are a policy choice, not mere happenstance. As such, to address the situation, the Lege ulltimately will need to make different policy choices.

See prior, related Grits posts:
  • No easy fix for prison staffing shortage besides deincarceration
  • Prison staff shortages and budget reality
  • TDCJ can't keep rural units adequately staffed
  • Staffing shortages force closure of TDCJ Connally unit wing
  • Adult, juvie corrections took 39% of state employee reductions last year
  • Juvie, adult prison guards atop list of high turnover state jobs
  • 'As TDCJ recruiting slows, overtime usage increases'

'Kids in Cages'

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UT-Austin's alumni magazine, The Alcalde, has a pair of stories related to juvenile justice that merit Grits readers' attention. The first is about LBJ School instructor Michelle Deitch titled "Kids in Cages." Michele's been working in recent years on the issue of juveniles certified for trial as adults, and your correspondent in the past was privileged not just to speak to her class but once even hosted one of her students as an intern. The second piece, titled, "In prison, youth are prey," was authored by Jorge Antonio Renaud, a former inmate turned reform activist and UT alum who Grits attended school with back in the day. Here's a neat promotional video that accompanied the stories online:


RELATED: See a lengthy piece from The Daily Beast titled "Should juvenile criminals be sentenced like adults?"

Scroggin, Eddie 'E.S.', Jr (22 May 1919 - 10 Jan 2012) [49765]

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Scroggin, Eddie 'E.S.', Jr, , Record added: Jan 10, 2012, Find A Grave Memorial# 83240776

Eddie "E.S." Scroggin, Jr
Birth:     May 22, 1919
Center Ridge
Conway County
Arkansas, USA
Death:     Jan. 10, 2012
Little Rock
Pulaski County
Arkansas, USA

Eddie "E.S." Scroggin Jr of Little Rock was born May 22, 1919 in Center Ridge Arkansas to parents Eddie S. Scroggin Sr. and Jewell Dickson Scroggin and passed away on January 10th, 2012 in Little Rock, Arkansas. He is preceded in death by his parents and his wife of 70 years Geneva Scroggin with whom he has been reunited; his son Dwayne Scroggin; grandson David Lynn Scroggin and granddaughter Sara Alysha Wilson and a brother Donald Freeman and a sister Lucille Roy

Mr. Scroggin was a veteran of WWll and was a HAM Radio Operator, WN5QAT, which was his favorite pass time. He was also a member of Park Hill Baptist Church.

He leaves to cherish his memory his children David Scroggin of Hot Springs Village; his daughter Deanne Hooker and her husband Mark of Maumelle 8 grandchildren, 18 great grandchildren and 8 great grandchildren.

The family will receive friends for a Life Celebration from 10:30 AM to 12:30 PM on Friday, January 13th, 2012 at Griffin Leggett Rest Hills Funeral Home, 7724 Landers Road in North Little Rock

Burial:
Unknown

Created by: KL
Record added: Jan 10, 2012
Find A Grave Memorial# 83240776

29 Kasım 2012 Perşembe

Exoneree's false conviction based on prosecutor misconduct, and other stories

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As Grits slows down for the holiday, here are a number of items that aren't going to make it into their own, individual posts before the turkey carving but still merit Grits readers' attention.

Latest exoneree's false conviction based on prosecutor misconduct, mendacious jailhouse snitches
Kenneth Boyd, Jr., of Center, who was falsely convicted of two homicides in 1999, will be released today on a personal recognizance bond awaiting his formal exoneration by the Court of Criminal Appeals, reported the Longview News-Journal. The false conviction stemmed from a combination of alleged prosecutorial misconduct and unreliable jailhouse snitches: "In June, Shelby County 273rd District Court Judge Charles Mitchell found that former Shelby County District Attorney Karren Price had suppressed evidence." Congratulations to Mr. Boyd and his legal team on this hard-fought victory.

Doomsday deal on Waco jail coming home to roost
In Waco, McLennan County commissioners cite cost overruns at the jail "as a major cause of the 2-cent property tax increase in this year’s budget." Grits has long been critical of the "doomsday deal" that put Mclennan County in such a bind, this summer calling it a "slow motion train wreck."

John Bradley among medical parole decisionmakers
The Houston Chronicle has an article providing perspectives on whether and/or how medical parole might be expanded in Texas. Among the tidbits Grits learned that jumped out at me, "Williamson County District Attorney John Bradley, who serves on a panel that makes recommendations on medical releases to the parole board, would like to require inmates to waive their medical privacy rights 'to make the process more transparent.'" Grits had no idea JB was somehow involved in that decisionmaking process. Talk about a finger in every pie!

Long-time Tyler Sheriff looks back, says 'adios'
The Tyler Morning Telegraph has a retrospective on outgoing Smith County Sheriff J.B. Smith, who's nearing retirement, gathering his recollections on living in the courthouse next to the jail with his family at the beginning of his career in the '70s. Nothing in the story on the more controversial aspects of Smith's career, but an interesting retrospective from a retiring East Texas lawman.

County jail privatization: Healthcare edition
Hays County may privatize healthcare at the county jail, although contrary to trends elsewhere in the state, "The jail's medical expenses have decreased about 5 percent in recent years, from $875,200 in the 2010 fiscal year to $830,600 in 2011 and $828,500 in the 2012 budget year ending in September."

About that deer ...
In Tyler, "A former Texas Department of Public Safety trooper, who told his coworkers he wrecked his patrol car earlier this month while trying to avoid a deer, has been arrested for driving while intoxicated and resigned his position as a result of the investigation into the accident."

The Fourth Amendment and drug testing welfare moms
Following up on a subject Grits opined upon here, a column in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram examines the question of drug testing welfare recipients and the Fourth Amendment banning unreasonable searches and seizures. SCOTUS has banned requiring drug tests of politicians, but allowed it for students as a bar to participating in extra-curricular activities. In Michigan, SCOTUS threw out a law requiring drug testing of welfare recipients in 2003, and a federal court has prevented a similar Florida law passed in 2011 from taking effect until the issue can be litigated. Excellent background on what's shaping up to be one of the more contentions issues of the session.

Debating format of judicial elections
The Fort Worth Star-Telegram editorialized against state Sen. Dan Patrick's suggestion for eliminating straight ticket voting in judicial elections, an idea I tend to support. Their reasoning was that they'd prefer an appointment system with voting down the line for retention. In theory, I would too. But eliminating straight ticket voting is a step in the right direction. Making those races non-partisan IMHO would be even better.

DPS stands alone on helicopter sniper policy
It turns out, "Texas is the only border state that allows and trains its officers to fire on suspects from airborne helicopters." a policy that recently didn't turn out so well.

Poor conditions cited at TX immigration detention centers
The Texas Tribune reported on alleged inhumane conditions at two privately operated immigration detention facilities - one in Houston and Polk County.

Studies backing bail bond methods flawed
According to The Crime Report, "Six studies that are often cited in support of the for-profit bail bonding industry have methodological flaws that make them unreliable, according to a paper published by the non-profit Pretrial Justice Institute" See the analysis itself here (pdf).

'Aggregation and urban misdemeanors'
In her latest paper, legal academic Alexandra Natapoff, one of Grits' favorite legal thinkers, considers   the extent to which high-volume court systems create "pressure to aggregate" misdemeanor cases in ways that may weaken "and sometimes eliminates individuated scrutiny of defendants and the evidence in their cases; people are largely evaluated, convicted, and punished by category and based on institutional habit."

Graffiti here, there and yon
With the UT-A&M football rivalry off and the Aggies thriving in the SEC (albeit with the bitter taste of last year's sendoff in the UT game perhaps still smarting just a tad), I was almost pleased to see that at least some Aggie students care enough about the rivalry to come to Austin to tag the UT campus in lieu of an on-the-field confrontation. UTPD released a photo searching for suspects. Several other graff-related items recently caught Grits' eye: President Obama was greeted with graffiti in Myanmar. In Virginia, someone tagged a statue of Robert E. Lee with the phrase "beefcake." A woman in Florida who was angry at the judge in her divorce case went on a graffiti spree at the county courthouse. Finally, Boing Boing has a picture of this awesome Mickey Mouse/skull graffiti from San Francisco, with which we'll close out the post:

Via Boing Boing, art by Goser.

Amarillo appeals court: 'A cell phone is not a pair of pants'

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The Seventh Court of Appeals in Amarillo in a recent opinion (pdf) addressed the question, "May an officer conduct a warrantless search of the contents or stored data in a cell phone when its owner was required to relinquish possession of the phone as part of the booking or jailing process?" They said "No," at least barring "exigent circumstances or other recognized exceptions to the warrant requirement." Here's how attorney-blogger Paul Kennedy described the gist of the ruling:
In State v. Granville, No. 07-11-0415-CR (Tex.App.-- Amarillo 2012), the Amarillo Court of Appeals held that the warrantless search of a cell phone by a "stranger to an arrest" violates the Fourth Amendment. In its opinion, the court explained, in detail, why a cell phone is not a pair of pants.

The court explained that a cell phone is more like a computer and that the information contained within the memory of a cell phone provides a glimpse into the private life of the owner and that the use of passwords, encrypted programs and other security measures gave the user a reasonable expectation of privacy.

The court also took note that Mr. Granville's phone had to be turned on by the officer who decided he needed to snoop around and look at the photos stored on the phone. The fact that the phone had been turned off was another indication that Mr. Granville had a reasonable expectation of privacy.

Finally the court addressed the issue of whether a pre-trial detainee (arrestee) has a privacy interest in his cell phone. Mr. Granville was arrested for a Class C misdemeanor (for those outside the Lone Star State, that is the equivalent of a traffic ticket). He was not going to be held in custody for long and he certainly wasn't the type of person that the ordinary citizen would think should be locked up. The court stated that, because a pre-trial detainee has the opportunity to post bond and get released that he has a greater privacy interest in his personal property than an inmate.

I leave y'all with this quote from the opinion:
While assaults upon the Fourth Amendment and article I, § 9 of the United States and Texas Constitutions regularly occur, the one rebuffed by the trial court here is sustained. A cell phone is not a pair of pants.
NOTE: An attentive commenter alerted me to the fact that the Court of Criminal Appeals granted cert on this case (i.e., they agreed to the prosecution's request that they hear it), so stay tuned. Texas' high criminal court could yet perpetuate another "assaul[t] on the Fourth Amendment," as the Amarillo court put it, and decide that a cell phone is, in fact, a pair of pants.

'Standing up for Mr. Nesbitt,' tracking the cell-phone trackers, and other digital forensics stories

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Electronic privacy continues to gain more attention in the wake of the Petraeus scandal and other recent revelations about the scope of law enforcement snooping around people's electronic communications. Here are a few more recent tidbits that caught Grits' eye:

For starters, check out New York Times (Nov. 26): No accord on cell-phone search: Courts haven't figured out how and when authorities can gain access, in which we learn that a US Senate committee will meet on Thursday to consider "changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data."

Perhaps even more critical, and maybe even more disturbing, "A proposed amendment would require police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old." Until the aftermath of the Petraus scandal, I didn't know older emails had no privacy protections - my own Inbox certainly goes back farther than that, and in some cases I've archived emails from many years ago. It never occurred to me that law enforcement could look at those without a warrant.

The Houston Chronicle has a related, notable story today titled, "Email not in the Fourth Amendment: Outdated law enforcement regulations let law enforcement spy via Internet companies and social networks." That story gives this additional tidbit about the contents of the legislation: "Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., who has proposed an amendment to the act, said the Senate Judiciary Committee will consider the changes Thursday. The crux of the amendment would require investigators to serve either a warrant to the service provider or a subpoena directly to the user when seeking personal digital information."

See a summary of the contents of Leahy's proposed amendment. Sen John Cornyn sits on the Judiciary Committee which will consider Chairman Leahy's proposal. Texas readers who support the measure should go here to email Sen. Cornyn to ask him to support the Leahy Amendment on cell-phone location data. Or even better, bone up on what the amendment does and contact Sen. Cornyn's office by phone at one of these locations. MORE: Orin Kerr at the Volokh Conspiracy calls the NYT article "somewhat confusing," while Scott at Simple Justice says mostly the article is confusing because the law is confusing.

* * *
Meanwhile, on a related topic, see an item from the Wall Street Journal published last month (Oct. 22) titled "Judge Questions Tools that Grab Cell Phone Data on Innocent People." That story opens,
A judge in Texas is raising questions about whether investigators are giving courts enough details on technological tools that let them get data on all the cellphones in an area, including those of innocent people.

In two cases, Magistrate Judge Brian Owsley rejected federal requests to allow the warrantless use of “stingrays” and “cell tower dumps,” two different tools that are used for cellphone tracking. The judge said the government should apply for warrants in the cases, but the attorneys had instead applied for lesser court orders.
changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIq7S5K
changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIq7S5Ka Senate committee considers limited changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIbK8NMa Senate committee considers limited changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIbK8NMHere's a copy of Judge Owsley's order. By contrast, the Sixth Circuit federal appellate court (whose opinions are not binding on Texas) ruled earlier this year that federal agents need not get a warrant to obtain cell phone tracking data from private cell phone providers. (See that opinion [pdf]). Attentive Grits readers may recall that the Fifth Circuit, whose jurisdiction covers Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi, has litigation pending before it focused on many of the same questions.
Image via ACLU.
After issuing the ruling that spawned the pending Fifth Circuit case on cell-phone location data, Houston Magistrate Judge Stephen Smith gave a speech on the issues surrounding the ruling, which has been posted on line here, titled, "Standing Up for Mr. Nesbitt." For those insufficiently geekish to catch the reference, "Mr. Nesbitt" refers to a classic Monty Python sketch to which the judge helpfully provides a link in a footnote, see here. (Go ahead and watch it; it's worth the 2.5 minutes of your life you'll never get back!) Today, says Judge Smith, its possible for private companies as proxies for the government "to figure out exactly where you are at any given time. And this is true even if, like the unfortunate Mr. Nesbitt, you don’t want to be seen, and refuse to stand up when asked."

I've linked to Judge Smith's comments before but thought I'd point out this particular observation he made that bears repeating as debates over online monitoring and GPS tracking come to a head:
If Mr. Nesbitt cannot afford to stand up himself, who does stand up for him, and all the other Nesbitts in the world? That is, who stands between ordinary citizens like us and an increasingly surveillance-happy state? Now, I am the first to admit that some Nesbitts are dangerous and deserve to be watched. If Mr. Nesbitt heads up a drug cartel, runs a mortgage fraud scam, or commits a series of ax- murders, he should surely be found and brought to justice. But what about all the other Nesbitts who are law abiding: the soccer moms, the Sunday school teachers, the law school professors, the newspaper reporters?

You may say that’s not a big concern, because the government would not bother to target them unless they were committing a crime. But you would probably be wrong to say that, at least if the government’s response to a 2008 FOIA suit is accurate. Asked to furnish docket information about all criminal cases brought against individuals who had been subject to warrant-less cell phone tracking since 2001, the Department of Justice identified a total of just 255 criminal prosecutions. This works out to about 38 cases a year. Given that the federal government obtains tens of thousands of these orders every year, this data suggests that the government spends more time chasing the innocent Nesbitts than the black sheep and ne’er-do-wells.
So the USDOJ could identify just 38 cases per year nationwide where prosecutions had been brought against individuals on whom the feds had gathered cell-phone location data. But by most accounts the number of law enforcement requests is enormous: 1.3 million in 2011 alone, representing millions in revenue for cell phone companies. Reported Fox News earlier this year:
At AT&T, a team of more than 100 workers handles the requests pouring in from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. More than 250,000 such requests came in last year — a more than two-fold increase over five years ago.
Sprint said it received about 500,000 subpoenas in 2011. Verizon and T-Mobile, two other major U.S. carriers, both reported annual increases in requests exceeding 12 percent. Cricket has seen a steady increase every year since 2007, and although the company once had a 10-person team handling inquiries, it has now outsourced that task to a company called Neustar.
Many of the requests cover a number of cellphone subscribers.
The costs have become so large that carriers have started charging law enforcement for the records they turn over. AT&T collected almost $8.3 million in 2011 in fees from police agencies, although the company said it believes that number falls far short of what it costs AT&T to accommodate the requests.
Police requesting data from U.S. Cellular are asked to pay $25 to locate a cellphone using GPS (the first three requests are free), $25 to retrieve a user's text messages and $50 for a "cell tower dump" — a breakdown of all the cellphones that interacted with a given cellphone tower at a specific time.


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/us/2012/07/09/surveillance-requests-to-cellphone-carriers-surge/#ixzz2DLcIS1vb
At AT&T, a team of more than 100 workers handles the requests pouring in from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. More than 250,000 such requests came in last year — a more than two-fold increase over five years ago.

Sprint said it received about 500,000 subpoenas in 2011. Verizon and T-Mobile, two other major U.S. carriers, both reported annual increases in requests exceeding 12 percent. Cricket has seen a steady increase every year since 2007, and although the company once had a 10-person team handling inquiries, it has now outsourced that task to a company called Neustar.

Many of the requests cover a number of cellphone subscribers.

The costs have become so large that carriers have started charging law enforcement for the records they turn over. AT&T collected almost $8.3 million in 2011 in fees from police agencies, although the company said it believes that number falls far short of what it costs AT&T to accommodate the requests.

Police requesting data from U.S. Cellular are asked to pay $25 to locate a cellphone using GPS (the first three requests are free), $25 to retrieve a user's text messages and $50 for a "cell tower dump" — a breakdown of all the cellphones that interacted with a given cellphone tower at a specific time.
If the average fees for handling such requests were $25 (just a guesstimate, based on the ranges cited in the Fox New story), then cell providers would have earned more than $32 million collectively in 2011 selling user location data to law enforcement, mostly in cases that will never be prosecuted, if Magistrate Judge Smith's data is accurate.

* * *
Finally, one practical aspect law enforcement gaining access to this mass of electronic data regarding suspects and non-suspects alike as part of routine criminal investigations: It requires more digital forensics expertise at police departments and crime labs which in many cases is understaffed and/or underdeveloped. KXAN-TV in Austin recently ran a story documenting investments in staffing and equipment that allowed DPS' digital forensics division to reduce its backlog by 2/3 in the past three years. However, expected growth in demand for digital forensics services - stemming from both the dizzying array of new products and the increasing ubiquity of their use - means the backlog will increase again without further legislative action, said KXAN. "DPS said it will work with state lawmakers in the upcoming legislative session to figure out how best to keep up with the growing demand."

Grits, of course, thinks a market-based, fee for service solution would be the best approach. The state is already facing competition for analysts in the labor market from private sector firms set up for employers to snoop on their employees, some of which already provide services to law enforcement with much faster turnarounds than DPS labs. In the near term, both the costs of quality analysts and the volume of digital forensics work law enforcement generates undoubtedly will stay on a steep upward curve thanks to technological change that's far surpassing the quaint, 20th century regulatory structures that in theory should constrain them. For the time being, as is so often the case, it may not be (mostly non-existent) civil liberties protections that most significantly constrain law enforcement from widespread privacy violations but limited resources, a lack of technical expertise at police agencies, and above all, budgetary constraints.

RELATED: New police tech tracks cell-phone location data without provider intermediary

Time to reverse Texas' recent open records trends

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Grits didn't get the chance to attend Monday's Senate hearing on open records issues, and indeed only two senators showed up to hear public testimony. But I thought it worthwhile to round up coverage of the event nonetheless:
  • Texas Tribune: Senate committee hears testimony on open records law
  • Austin Statesman: Senate panel considers tighter open records law
  • Austin Statesman: Make public record law more open
  • SA Express News: Lawmakers to review Texas Open Records Act
  • Fort Worth Star-Telegram: Openness in records law could be stronger
  • Houston Chronicle: Texas open records act needs update, advocates say
  • Texas Watchdog: Government contractors resist open records law with lawsuits
  • Beaumont Enterprise: Legislature should improve, not weaken Open Records law
Notably, a number of these articles claim Texas' open records law is one of the strongest in the country, and 20 years ago Grits would have agreed with that statement. Since then, however, access to records in the two areas about which the public most frequently requests information - government contractors and law enforcement - has been gutted by the Legislature, the courts, and a string of state Attorneys General who have consistently narrowed the act since Jim Mattox left office.

For about 20-25 years after the Sharpstown Bank scandal - the corruption episode which first spawned Texas' open records and open meetings acts - Texas did indeed have arguably the strongest open records law in the nation. Experts debated whether Texas or Florida had the stronger statute, but a legitimate case could be made for both. Today, no one could claim with a straight face that Texas' open records law holds a candle to Florida's, and there hasn't been an effective legislative champion for greater openness since around the time the Southwest Conference closed up shop.

With so few senators attending Monday's committee hearing, it's hard to judge legislative attitudes toward the issues raised there. (Regrettably, it sounds as though the Swiss-cheese-like law enforcement exception was barely discussed, if at all, though state Rep. Harold Dutton has filed a bill to reinstate the stronger, older standard for law enforcement disclosure.) Certainly, though, if the Legislature is going to take up open records questions next year, their goal should be to give the public more information, not to protect government and its agents from scrutiny.

Scroggin, Eddie 'E.S.', Jr (22 May 1919 - 10 Jan 2012) [49765]

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Scroggin, Eddie 'E.S.', Jr, , Record added: Jan 10, 2012, Find A Grave Memorial# 83240776

Eddie "E.S." Scroggin, Jr
Birth:     May 22, 1919
Center Ridge
Conway County
Arkansas, USA
Death:     Jan. 10, 2012
Little Rock
Pulaski County
Arkansas, USA

Eddie "E.S." Scroggin Jr of Little Rock was born May 22, 1919 in Center Ridge Arkansas to parents Eddie S. Scroggin Sr. and Jewell Dickson Scroggin and passed away on January 10th, 2012 in Little Rock, Arkansas. He is preceded in death by his parents and his wife of 70 years Geneva Scroggin with whom he has been reunited; his son Dwayne Scroggin; grandson David Lynn Scroggin and granddaughter Sara Alysha Wilson and a brother Donald Freeman and a sister Lucille Roy

Mr. Scroggin was a veteran of WWll and was a HAM Radio Operator, WN5QAT, which was his favorite pass time. He was also a member of Park Hill Baptist Church.

He leaves to cherish his memory his children David Scroggin of Hot Springs Village; his daughter Deanne Hooker and her husband Mark of Maumelle 8 grandchildren, 18 great grandchildren and 8 great grandchildren.

The family will receive friends for a Life Celebration from 10:30 AM to 12:30 PM on Friday, January 13th, 2012 at Griffin Leggett Rest Hills Funeral Home, 7724 Landers Road in North Little Rock

Burial:
Unknown

Created by: KL
Record added: Jan 10, 2012
Find A Grave Memorial# 83240776

28 Kasım 2012 Çarşamba

Univision 45 KXLN is Houston’s #1 TV station

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Univision 45 claims big win against the other Houston TV stations in November sweeps:

In the first major sweep of the 2012-2013 television broadcast season, KXLN Univision 45 is Houston’s No. 1 broadcast station among Adults 18-34, Adults 18-49 and Adults 25-54 in all the major dayparts: daytime, early fringe, early news, primetime, late news and late fringe, regardless of language. KXLN Univision 45 is also the most watched station during early morning among both Adults 18-34 and Adults 18-49.

During a sweep that included extensive news coverage on a history making presidential election, KXLN’s early 5 p.m. “Noticias Univision 45 a las 5” (News 45 at 5) and late 10 p.m. local news “Noticias 45 Edición Nocturna” (News 45 Evening Edition), were the most watched local newscasts among Adults 18-34, 18-49 and 25-54.

Primetime Ratings Highlights:

· During the November sweep, KXLN achieved a higher primetime rating than all other broadcast stations including the major English-language network affiliates: KTRK-ABC, KRIV-FOX, KHOU-CBS and KPRC-NBC.


Sources: NSI Ranking based on Houston.’s 10 major television stations Live +SD. KXLN, KFTH, KPRC, KRTK, KHOU, Monday to Saturday: 7 p.m. to 10 p.m./Sunday: 6 p.m. to 10 p.m.; KRIV, KIAH, Monday to Saturday: 7 p.m. to 9 p.m./Sunday: : 6 p.m. to 9 p.m.; KTMD, KZJL Monday to Sunday: 6 p.m. to 10 p.m.

· KXLN’s primetime novela, “Abismo de Pasión” (Abyss of Passion) was Houston’s most-watched primetime, non-sport program among Adults 18-34, Adults 18-49 and Adults 25-54.

· KXLN’s broadcast of the 13th Annual Latin GRAMMY® Awards was Houston’s most watched awards show among Adults 18-34, Adults 18-49 and Adults 25-54 beating ABC’s “Country Music Awards” and “American Music Awards.”

LOCAL NEWS Ratings Highlights:


· During the November sweep, KXLN achieved higher local news ratings than all other broadcast stations including the major English-language network affiliates: KTRK-ABC, KRIV-FOX, KHOU-CBS, KPRC-NBC and KIAH-CW.

Sources: NSI Ranking based on Houston’s local news television stations Live+SD. KXLN, KPRC, KRTK, KHOU and KTMD Monday to Friday: 5 p.m. to 5:30 p.m.; KRIV, KIAH, Monday to Friday: 5:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.; KXLN, KPRC, KRTK, KHOU and KTMD Monday to Friday: 10:00 p.m. to 10:30 p.m.; KRIV, KIAH, Monday to Friday: 9:00 p.m. to 10:10:00 p.m.

Note: Early Morning is M-F/6-10A (KXLN), M-F/6-9A for all other stations; daytime is M-F/9A-3P for all stations except KXLN (M-F/10A-3P) & KFTH (M-F/8A-3P; early fringe is M-F/3-5P for all stations except KFTH (M-F/3-6P); and late fringe is M-F/11P-1A for all stations except KFT, KRIV & KIAH (M-F/10P-1A).


(This post was taken from a release sent to me by Univision Houston)

RELATED
CBS 11 KTVT calls November win

Amarillo appeals court: 'A cell phone is not a pair of pants'

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The Seventh Court of Appeals in Amarillo in a recent opinion (pdf) addressed the question, "May an officer conduct a warrantless search of the contents or stored data in a cell phone when its owner was required to relinquish possession of the phone as part of the booking or jailing process?" They said "No," at least barring "exigent circumstances or other recognized exceptions to the warrant requirement." Here's how attorney-blogger Paul Kennedy described the gist of the ruling:
In State v. Granville, No. 07-11-0415-CR (Tex.App.-- Amarillo 2012), the Amarillo Court of Appeals held that the warrantless search of a cell phone by a "stranger to an arrest" violates the Fourth Amendment. In its opinion, the court explained, in detail, why a cell phone is not a pair of pants.

The court explained that a cell phone is more like a computer and that the information contained within the memory of a cell phone provides a glimpse into the private life of the owner and that the use of passwords, encrypted programs and other security measures gave the user a reasonable expectation of privacy.

The court also took note that Mr. Granville's phone had to be turned on by the officer who decided he needed to snoop around and look at the photos stored on the phone. The fact that the phone had been turned off was another indication that Mr. Granville had a reasonable expectation of privacy.

Finally the court addressed the issue of whether a pre-trial detainee (arrestee) has a privacy interest in his cell phone. Mr. Granville was arrested for a Class C misdemeanor (for those outside the Lone Star State, that is the equivalent of a traffic ticket). He was not going to be held in custody for long and he certainly wasn't the type of person that the ordinary citizen would think should be locked up. The court stated that, because a pre-trial detainee has the opportunity to post bond and get released that he has a greater privacy interest in his personal property than an inmate.

I leave y'all with this quote from the opinion:
While assaults upon the Fourth Amendment and article I, § 9 of the United States and Texas Constitutions regularly occur, the one rebuffed by the trial court here is sustained. A cell phone is not a pair of pants.
NOTE: An attentive commenter alerted me to the fact that the Court of Criminal Appeals granted cert on this case (i.e., they agreed to the prosecution's request that they hear it), so stay tuned. Texas' high criminal court could yet perpetuate another "assaul[t] on the Fourth Amendment," as the Amarillo court put it, and decide that a cell phone is, in fact, a pair of pants.

Local pols unenthusiastic about privatizing Harris County Jail

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A couple of weeks ago, Grits quoted excerpts from a Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) investor phone call in which company bigwigs predicted that Harris County would likely make a decision regarding privatization of its county jail by early next year now that election season had passed. So I'm pleased as punch to see that Charles Kuffner has followed up on the story (since the MSM did not) by asking several key county-level players about the prospects of privatizing Texas' largest jail. None of the local pols, though, seemed as enthusiastic about the prospect as the private prison executives.

Notably, "County Judge Ed Emmett said this was the first he’d heard about this particular item in many months," but he promised a public process before any decision was made. "He said that right now the RFP that Corrections Corporation of America and any other bidders submitted is being reviewed by the purchasing department, which will when ready present its findings for the Court to consider. At that time, they may or may not take any action." Not exactly a ringing endorsement.

Commissioner Radack portrayed the RFP as more of an information gathering process than a serious outsourcing proposal. He "characterized this as a very complex process and that the main thing he hoped to get out of it was some lessons about possible ways to be more efficient and save money. I suggested his description sounded somewhat like an audit to me, and he thought that was a reasonable analogy. He stressed that any review of corrections is multifaceted and can take a lot of time." Concluded Kuff, "I did not get the impression [Radack] was seeking anything transformational." Part of that may be because the situation at the jail has changed. Kuff noted:
I’m reminded as I review the history of all this that the origin was in late 2010 when Radack and Jerry Eversole were complaining about the cost of outsourcing inmates to Louisiana. That was when Radack made his request for a study of ways to reduce costs at the jail, which turned into a formal RFP when then-Budget Director Dick Raycraft came back and said it was the only way to answer the question. And so here we are today, in an environment where inmates are no longer being outsourced and jail costs overall are already lower, awaiting that answer.
Finally, Sheriff Adrian Garcia sent Kuff a written statement which included this rebuff to the privatization idea: "I am also mindful of Judge Emmett’s comment that no private detention company has run a jail system as big as ours, and of then-Texas Commission on Jail Standards Executive Director Adan Munoz’s comment that privatization of the jail is not advisable. Their comments also mirror those of sheriffs in other parts of the country who have seen how privatization experiments at county jails have actually cost communities more than when they were run by the sheriff."

Despite the more sanguine portrayal to CCA investors by company executives, these comments don't sound like privatization of the Harris County Jail is in any way imminent nor even presently on the commissioners court's radar screen, though it's possible that could change when the purchasing department finishes evaluating responses to the RFP.

Good blogging by Kuff - thanks a lot, amigo, for following up!

Trista Sutter's silhouette by Dr. Franklin and Cindi Rose by E.D. Woods

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Trista Sutter’s sculpting by Dr. Franklin and Cindi Rose

Lucky for the Bachelorette’s and Bachelor’s that Erica Rose’s father is famous plastic surgeon Dr. Franklin Rose, and her mom is noted silhouette artist, Cindi Rose. It makes the contestants and winners look and stay beautiful. Recently, the first reality Bachelorette, Trista Sutter, met up with Bachelor legal star, Erica Rose, and discussed her wanting an updated look. Although Erica thought Trista looked beautiful, she referred her to her father (who would never operate on his family). Trista had been admiring Emily Maynard’s plastic surgery, and did not want to be Bachelorette history. For her first meeting, in Franklin Rose’s hometown, Aspen, Colorado, Trista drove in from Vail. The petite beauty was met by Franklin and Cindi Rose.

As always, Cindi took out her surgical scissors and in a minute sculpted the world’s darling’s profile. Trista loved it, and signed it with her good-valued signature. Trista commented that her children would love Cindi Rose’s artwork. Her real concerns however was, a drop of fat, droopy eyes, and breasts that were not what they were pre-children.

Franklin Rose, a board-certified MD, who studied at Yale, Manhattan Eye and Ear, and Baylor College of Medicine, booked the soon to be 40 year-old at his doctor owned surgical center, First Street in Houston, Texas.

Trista got small breast implants, and the tired look erased from her lovely blue eyes with upper and lower eye lifts. In her pre and post-op photos it appears that she may have had liposuction. Word is that there is a room in The Rose Home devoted to patient care, and that after a luxurious stay at First Street Hospital (with culinary meals and wait staff), patients recover with Cindi Rose’s low-fat, organic nutritious meals and care. No wonder, the most beautiful men and women in the country get on Bachelor and Bachelor Pad, they have a connection—Erica Rose’s father. Unlike what people would think, Erica’s perfect size 4, 5’ 8” figure is natural. Her mother and grandmother where former beauty contest winners, and it is a natural for Erica. Read Life & Style Weekly to see Trista’s before and after plastic surgery photos and decide yourself, if she did or did not also have liposuction. I think somewhere there is also word that there could be a book coming out about parenting, and being in love, penned by no-other than America’s darling, Trista Sutter!


YOU ARE INVITED to Karen and Roland Garcia's Annual Halloween Bash and Light Show - Sat. Oct. 27th, 2012

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YOU ARE INVITED to Karen and Roland Garcia's Annual Halloween Bash and Light Show - Sat. Oct. 27th, 2012
Can you believe it’s Halloween again!  Ready for some scary fun?!
You and your guest are invited to Karen and Roland Garcia’s Annual Halloween Bash and Light Show on Saturday, October 27th from 7:00 p.m. to midnight at their home, 46 East Rivercrest, Houston, TX 77042.   Costumes are preferred.  The light show will start at 8:30 p.m., with different shows every hour.   You will not want to miss it!  There will be tricks, treats, food, drinks, a photo booth, silhouettes, astrology readings, complimentary valet for parking, and more.    Contributions in any amount are encouraged at the door, but are not required, to the Holly Rose Ribbon Foundation, a nonprofit organization which provides help for uninsured and underinsured cancer patients of all ages and genders including psychological support, alternative wellness treatments, free reconstructive surgery and free wigs in the US and globally. 

Please RSVP your attendance and the name of your guest to Patty Finch at finchp@gtlaw.com or call Patty at 713-374-3544.  We look forward to seeing you on October 27th!
Hope you can come!!

Roland Garcia
Shareholder

Greenberg Traurig, LLP | 1000 Louisiana Street | Suite 1700 | Houston, TX 77002
Tel 713.374.3510 | Fax 713.754.7510 | Cell 713.598.6284
GarciaR@gtlaw.com | www.gtlaw.com


27 Kasım 2012 Salı

Exoneree's false conviction based on prosecutor misconduct, and other stories

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As Grits slows down for the holiday, here are a number of items that aren't going to make it into their own, individual posts before the turkey carving but still merit Grits readers' attention.

Latest exoneree's false conviction based on prosecutor misconduct, mendacious jailhouse snitches
Kenneth Boyd, Jr., of Center, who was falsely convicted of two homicides in 1999, will be released today on a personal recognizance bond awaiting his formal exoneration by the Court of Criminal Appeals, reported the Longview News-Journal. The false conviction stemmed from a combination of alleged prosecutorial misconduct and unreliable jailhouse snitches: "In June, Shelby County 273rd District Court Judge Charles Mitchell found that former Shelby County District Attorney Karren Price had suppressed evidence." Congratulations to Mr. Boyd and his legal team on this hard-fought victory.

Doomsday deal on Waco jail coming home to roost
In Waco, McLennan County commissioners cite cost overruns at the jail "as a major cause of the 2-cent property tax increase in this year’s budget." Grits has long been critical of the "doomsday deal" that put Mclennan County in such a bind, this summer calling it a "slow motion train wreck."

John Bradley among medical parole decisionmakers
The Houston Chronicle has an article providing perspectives on whether and/or how medical parole might be expanded in Texas. Among the tidbits Grits learned that jumped out at me, "Williamson County District Attorney John Bradley, who serves on a panel that makes recommendations on medical releases to the parole board, would like to require inmates to waive their medical privacy rights 'to make the process more transparent.'" Grits had no idea JB was somehow involved in that decisionmaking process. Talk about a finger in every pie!

Long-time Tyler Sheriff looks back, says 'adios'
The Tyler Morning Telegraph has a retrospective on outgoing Smith County Sheriff J.B. Smith, who's nearing retirement, gathering his recollections on living in the courthouse next to the jail with his family at the beginning of his career in the '70s. Nothing in the story on the more controversial aspects of Smith's career, but an interesting retrospective from a retiring East Texas lawman.

County jail privatization: Healthcare edition
Hays County may privatize healthcare at the county jail, although contrary to trends elsewhere in the state, "The jail's medical expenses have decreased about 5 percent in recent years, from $875,200 in the 2010 fiscal year to $830,600 in 2011 and $828,500 in the 2012 budget year ending in September."

About that deer ...
In Tyler, "A former Texas Department of Public Safety trooper, who told his coworkers he wrecked his patrol car earlier this month while trying to avoid a deer, has been arrested for driving while intoxicated and resigned his position as a result of the investigation into the accident."

The Fourth Amendment and drug testing welfare moms
Following up on a subject Grits opined upon here, a column in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram examines the question of drug testing welfare recipients and the Fourth Amendment banning unreasonable searches and seizures. SCOTUS has banned requiring drug tests of politicians, but allowed it for students as a bar to participating in extra-curricular activities. In Michigan, SCOTUS threw out a law requiring drug testing of welfare recipients in 2003, and a federal court has prevented a similar Florida law passed in 2011 from taking effect until the issue can be litigated. Excellent background on what's shaping up to be one of the more contentions issues of the session.

Debating format of judicial elections
The Fort Worth Star-Telegram editorialized against state Sen. Dan Patrick's suggestion for eliminating straight ticket voting in judicial elections, an idea I tend to support. Their reasoning was that they'd prefer an appointment system with voting down the line for retention. In theory, I would too. But eliminating straight ticket voting is a step in the right direction. Making those races non-partisan IMHO would be even better.

DPS stands alone on helicopter sniper policy
It turns out, "Texas is the only border state that allows and trains its officers to fire on suspects from airborne helicopters." a policy that recently didn't turn out so well.

Poor conditions cited at TX immigration detention centers
The Texas Tribune reported on alleged inhumane conditions at two privately operated immigration detention facilities - one in Houston and Polk County.

Studies backing bail bond methods flawed
According to The Crime Report, "Six studies that are often cited in support of the for-profit bail bonding industry have methodological flaws that make them unreliable, according to a paper published by the non-profit Pretrial Justice Institute" See the analysis itself here (pdf).

'Aggregation and urban misdemeanors'
In her latest paper, legal academic Alexandra Natapoff, one of Grits' favorite legal thinkers, considers   the extent to which high-volume court systems create "pressure to aggregate" misdemeanor cases in ways that may weaken "and sometimes eliminates individuated scrutiny of defendants and the evidence in their cases; people are largely evaluated, convicted, and punished by category and based on institutional habit."

Graffiti here, there and yon
With the UT-A&M football rivalry off and the Aggies thriving in the SEC (albeit with the bitter taste of last year's sendoff in the UT game perhaps still smarting just a tad), I was almost pleased to see that at least some Aggie students care enough about the rivalry to come to Austin to tag the UT campus in lieu of an on-the-field confrontation. UTPD released a photo searching for suspects. Several other graff-related items recently caught Grits' eye: President Obama was greeted with graffiti in Myanmar. In Virginia, someone tagged a statue of Robert E. Lee with the phrase "beefcake." A woman in Florida who was angry at the judge in her divorce case went on a graffiti spree at the county courthouse. Finally, Boing Boing has a picture of this awesome Mickey Mouse/skull graffiti from San Francisco, with which we'll close out the post:

Via Boing Boing, art by Goser.

TDCJ must choose between statist, Reaganite options on prison understaffing

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Staffing woes at several isolated, rural Texas prisons leave legislators with three options: A) Increase pay to attract workers in areas where TDCJ competes with active oil fields and fracking operations for employees, B) close understaffed facilities and consolidate employees in fewer units to relieve understaffing, or C) do nothing and wait for violence or litigation to force state action after the fact where it could not be moved based on reason or foresight.

A recent news story portrayed understaffing at Texas prisons as having reached a critical juncture: According to the Texas Tribune's Maurice Chammah, "Leaders of the state’s prison employee union say that officials are leaving Texas prisons dangerously understaffed. On Wednesday, they renewed calls for better pay, noting that the holiday season is a particularly dangerous time in Texas prisons." The union wants "to shorten the amount of time it takes to get from minimum pay, $27,000, to maximum pay, $37,000, from eight to five years. 'We’re trying to get these new boots [newly-hired officers] a light at the end of the tunnel,' [AFSCME executive director Brian] Olsen said."

Notably, pay hikes for guards were not among the "exceptional items" requested by TDCJ in their biennial Legislative Appropriations Request. Still, that doesn't mean the Lege can ignore the problem.

Obviously, the union's preference would be to keep the same number of employees or increase their ranks while paying everybody more. Let's call that the "statist option," or Option A  The main problem: Increasing pay at 111 units statewide makes little sense when understaffing is isolated to 7-8 specific units. Most COs benefiting from the pay hike would not assist the state in staffing these few, problem facilities and boosting pay for everyone would be costly. Option B - reducing incarceration rates and closing prison units to consolidate understaffed guards in fewer facilities - harks back to Ronald Reagan's strategy as Governor of California to reduce state prison costs. Call Option B the "Reaganite option." Option C, of course, is simply what happens when the state fails to anticipate trends, muddling forward into this predictable mess without a plan until the vicissitudes of fate leave the state with no real choices at all. Let's call that the "Oops option."

Grits has written so frequently about this dynamic there's little need to iterate the point, but also there's little doubt these debates will re-emerge once the 83rd legislative session begins.

Amarillo appeals court: 'A cell phone is not a pair of pants'

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The Seventh Court of Appeals in Amarillo in a recent opinion (pdf) addressed the question, "May an officer conduct a warrantless search of the contents or stored data in a cell phone when its owner was required to relinquish possession of the phone as part of the booking or jailing process?" They said "No," at least barring "exigent circumstances or other recognized exceptions to the warrant requirement." Here's how attorney-blogger Paul Kennedy described the gist of the ruling:
In State v. Granville, No. 07-11-0415-CR (Tex.App.-- Amarillo 2012), the Amarillo Court of Appeals held that the warrantless search of a cell phone by a "stranger to an arrest" violates the Fourth Amendment. In its opinion, the court explained, in detail, why a cell phone is not a pair of pants.

The court explained that a cell phone is more like a computer and that the information contained within the memory of a cell phone provides a glimpse into the private life of the owner and that the use of passwords, encrypted programs and other security measures gave the user a reasonable expectation of privacy.

The court also took note that Mr. Granville's phone had to be turned on by the officer who decided he needed to snoop around and look at the photos stored on the phone. The fact that the phone had been turned off was another indication that Mr. Granville had a reasonable expectation of privacy.

Finally the court addressed the issue of whether a pre-trial detainee (arrestee) has a privacy interest in his cell phone. Mr. Granville was arrested for a Class C misdemeanor (for those outside the Lone Star State, that is the equivalent of a traffic ticket). He was not going to be held in custody for long and he certainly wasn't the type of person that the ordinary citizen would think should be locked up. The court stated that, because a pre-trial detainee has the opportunity to post bond and get released that he has a greater privacy interest in his personal property than an inmate.

I leave y'all with this quote from the opinion:
While assaults upon the Fourth Amendment and article I, § 9 of the United States and Texas Constitutions regularly occur, the one rebuffed by the trial court here is sustained. A cell phone is not a pair of pants.
NOTE: An attentive commenter alerted me to the fact that the Court of Criminal Appeals granted cert on this case (i.e., they agreed to the prosecution's request that they hear it), so stay tuned. Texas' high criminal court could yet perpetuate another "assaul[t] on the Fourth Amendment," as the Amarillo court put it, and decide that a cell phone is, in fact, a pair of pants.

'Standing up for Mr. Nesbitt,' tracking the cell-phone trackers, and other digital forensics stories

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Electronic privacy continues to gain more attention in the wake of the Petraeus scandal and other recent revelations about the scope of law enforcement snooping around people's electronic communications. Here are a few more recent tidbits that caught Grits' eye:

For starters, check out New York Times (Nov. 26): No accord on cell-phone search: Courts haven't figured out how and when authorities can gain access, in which we learn that a US Senate committee will meet on Thursday to consider "changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data."

Perhaps even more critical, and maybe even more disturbing, "A proposed amendment would require police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old." Until the aftermath of the Petraus scandal, I didn't know older emails had no privacy protections - my own Inbox certainly goes back farther than that, and in some cases I've archived emails from many years ago. It never occurred to me that law enforcement could look at those without a warrant.

The Houston Chronicle has a related, notable story today titled, "Email not in the Fourth Amendment: Outdated law enforcement regulations let law enforcement spy via Internet companies and social networks." That story gives this additional tidbit about the contents of the legislation: "Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., who has proposed an amendment to the act, said the Senate Judiciary Committee will consider the changes Thursday. The crux of the amendment would require investigators to serve either a warrant to the service provider or a subpoena directly to the user when seeking personal digital information."

See a summary of the contents of Leahy's proposed amendment. Sen John Cornyn sits on the Judiciary Committee which will consider Chairman Leahy's proposal. Texas readers who support the measure should go here to email Sen. Cornyn to ask him to support the Leahy Amendment on cell-phone location data. Or even better, bone up on what the amendment does and contact Sen. Cornyn's office by phone at one of these locations.

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Meanwhile, on a related topic, see an item from the Wall Street Journal published last month (Oct. 22) titled "Judge Questions Tools that Grab Cell Phone Data on Innocent People." That story opens,
A judge in Texas is raising questions about whether investigators are giving courts enough details on technological tools that let them get data on all the cellphones in an area, including those of innocent people.

In two cases, Magistrate Judge Brian Owsley rejected federal requests to allow the warrantless use of “stingrays” and “cell tower dumps,” two different tools that are used for cellphone tracking. The judge said the government should apply for warrants in the cases, but the attorneys had instead applied for lesser court orders.
changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIq7S5K
changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIq7S5Ka Senate committee considers limited changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIbK8NMa Senate committee considers limited changes to the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, a 1986 law that regulates how the government can monitor digital communications. Courts have used it to permit warrantless surveillance of certain kinds of cell phone data. A proposed amendment would require the police to obtain a warrant to search email, no matter how old it is, updating a provision that allows warrantless searches of emails more than 180 days old.

Read more: http://www.post-gazette.com/stories/news/us/no-accord-on-cell-phone-search-663693/#ixzz2DLIbK8NMHere's a copy of Judge Owsley's order. By contrast, the Sixth Circuit federal appellate court (whose opinions are not binding on Texas) ruled earlier this year that federal agents need not get a warrant to obtain cell phone tracking data from private cell phone providers. (See that opinion [pdf]). Attentive Grits readers may recall that the Fifth Circuit, whose jurisdiction covers Texas, Louisiana and Mississippi, has litigation pending before it focused on many of the same questions.
Image via ACLU.
After issuing the ruling that spawned the pending Fifth Circuit case on cell-phone location data, Houston Magistrate Judge Stephen Smith gave a speech on the issues surrounding the ruling, which has been posted on line here, titled, "Standing Up for Mr. Nesbitt." For those insufficiently geekish to catch the reference, "Mr. Nesbitt" refers to a classic Monty Python sketch to which the judge helpfully provides a link in a footnote, see here. (Go ahead and watch it; it's worth the 2.5 minutes of your life you'll never get back!) Today, says Judge Smith, its possible for private companies as proxies for the government "to figure out exactly where you are at any given time. And this is true even if, like the unfortunate Mr. Nesbitt, you don’t want to be seen, and refuse to stand up when asked."

I've linked to Judge Smith's comments before but thought I'd point out this particular observation he made that bears repeating as debates over online monitoring and GPS tracking come to a head:
If Mr. Nesbitt cannot afford to stand up himself, who does stand up for him, and all the other Nesbitts in the world? That is, who stands between ordinary citizens like us and an increasingly surveillance-happy state? Now, I am the first to admit that some Nesbitts are dangerous and deserve to be watched. If Mr. Nesbitt heads up a drug cartel, runs a mortgage fraud scam, or commits a series of ax- murders, he should surely be found and brought to justice. But what about all the other Nesbitts who are law abiding: the soccer moms, the Sunday school teachers, the law school professors, the newspaper reporters?

You may say that’s not a big concern, because the government would not bother to target them unless they were committing a crime. But you would probably be wrong to say that, at least if the government’s response to a 2008 FOIA suit is accurate. Asked to furnish docket information about all criminal cases brought against individuals who had been subject to warrant-less cell phone tracking since 2001, the Department of Justice identified a total of just 255 criminal prosecutions. This works out to about 38 cases a year. Given that the federal government obtains tens of thousands of these orders every year, this data suggests that the government spends more time chasing the innocent Nesbitts than the black sheep and ne’er-do-wells.
So the USDOJ could identify just 38 cases per year nationwide where prosecutions had been brought against individuals on whom the feds had gathered cell-phone location data. But by most accounts the number of law enforcement requests s enormous: 1.3 million in 2011 alone, representing millions in revenue for cell phone companies; reported Fox News earlier this year:
At AT&T, a team of more than 100 workers handles the requests pouring in from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. More than 250,000 such requests came in last year — a more than two-fold increase over five years ago.
Sprint said it received about 500,000 subpoenas in 2011. Verizon and T-Mobile, two other major U.S. carriers, both reported annual increases in requests exceeding 12 percent. Cricket has seen a steady increase every year since 2007, and although the company once had a 10-person team handling inquiries, it has now outsourced that task to a company called Neustar.
Many of the requests cover a number of cellphone subscribers.
The costs have become so large that carriers have started charging law enforcement for the records they turn over. AT&T collected almost $8.3 million in 2011 in fees from police agencies, although the company said it believes that number falls far short of what it costs AT&T to accommodate the requests.
Police requesting data from U.S. Cellular are asked to pay $25 to locate a cellphone using GPS (the first three requests are free), $25 to retrieve a user's text messages and $50 for a "cell tower dump" — a breakdown of all the cellphones that interacted with a given cellphone tower at a specific time.


Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/us/2012/07/09/surveillance-requests-to-cellphone-carriers-surge/#ixzz2DLcIS1vb
At AT&T, a team of more than 100 workers handles the requests pouring in from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. More than 250,000 such requests came in last year — a more than two-fold increase over five years ago.

Sprint said it received about 500,000 subpoenas in 2011. Verizon and T-Mobile, two other major U.S. carriers, both reported annual increases in requests exceeding 12 percent. Cricket has seen a steady increase every year since 2007, and although the company once had a 10-person team handling inquiries, it has now outsourced that task to a company called Neustar.

Many of the requests cover a number of cellphone subscribers.

The costs have become so large that carriers have started charging law enforcement for the records they turn over. AT&T collected almost $8.3 million in 2011 in fees from police agencies, although the company said it believes that number falls far short of what it costs AT&T to accommodate the requests.

Police requesting data from U.S. Cellular are asked to pay $25 to locate a cellphone using GPS (the first three requests are free), $25 to retrieve a user's text messages and $50 for a "cell tower dump" — a breakdown of all the cellphones that interacted with a given cellphone tower at a specific time.
If the average fees for handling such requests were $25 (just a guesstimate, based on the ranges cited in the Fox New story), then cell providers would have earned more than $32 million collectively in 2011 selling user location data to law enforcement, mostly in cases that will never be prosecuted, if Magistrate Judge Smith's data is accurate.

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Finally, one practical aspect law enforcement gaining access to this mass of electronic data regarding suspects and non-suspects alike as part of routine criminal investigations: It requires more digital forensics expertise at police departments and crime labs which in many cases is understaffed and/or underdeveloped. KXAN-TV in Austin recently ran a story documenting investments in staffing and equipment that allowed DPS' digital forensics division to reduce its backlog by 2/3 in the past three years. However, expected growth in demand for digital forensics services - stemming from both the dizzying array of new products and the increasing ubiquity of their use - means the backlog will increase again without further legislative action, said KXAN. "DPS said it will work with state lawmakers in the upcoming legislative session to figure out how best to keep up with the growing demand."

Grits, of course, thinks a market-based, fee for service solution would be the best approach. The state is already facing competition for analysts in the labor market from private sector firms set up for employers to snoop on their employees, some of which already provide services to law enforcement with much faster turnarounds than DPS labs. In the near term, both the costs of quality analysts and the volume of digital forensics work law enforcement generates undoubtedly will stay on a steep upward curve thanks to technological change that's far surpassing the quaint, 20th century regulatory structures that in theory should constrain them. For the time being, as is so often the case, it may not be (mostly non-existent) civil liberties protections that most significantly constrain law enforcement from widespread privacy violations but limited resources, a lack of technical expertise at police agencies, and above all, budgetary constraints.

RELATED: New police tech tracks cell-phone location data without provider intermediary